Vēstures aplādes

Perons tika atlaists Argentīnā

Perons tika atlaists Argentīnā

Pēc desmit gadu ilgas valdīšanas Argentīnas prezidents Huans Domingo Perons tiek atlaists militārajā apvērsumā. Demons, Perons, kurš nāca pie varas 1946. gadā ar strādnieku slāņu atbalstu, kļuva arvien autoritārāks, jo 50. gadu sākumā Argentīnas ekonomika samazinājās. Viņa lielākais politiskais resurss bija viņa harizmātiskā sieva Eva “Evita” Perona, bet viņa nomira 1952. gadā, norādot uz viņu atbalstījušās nacionālās koalīcijas sabrukumu. Pēc antagonizācijas pret baznīcu, studentiem un citiem 1955. gada septembrī militāristi viņu piespieda trimdā. Viņš apmetās uz dzīvi Spānijā, kur kalpoja par trimdas līderi “peronistiem”-spēcīgai argentīniešu grupai, kas palika uzticīga. viņam un viņa sistēmai.

1895. gadā dzimis zemākas vidusšķiras ģimenē, Huans Domingo Perons izveidoja karjeru armijā, beidzot iegūstot pulkveža pakāpi. 1943. gadā viņš bija militāro sazvērnieku grupas vadītājs, kas gāza Argentīnas neefektīvo civilo valdību. Pieprasot sev šķietami nelielo darba un sociālās labklājības sekretāra amatu, viņš sāka veidot arodbiedrībās balstītu politisku impēriju. Līdz 1945. gadam viņš bija arī viceprezidents un kara ministrs militārajā režīmā.

1945. gadā Perons pārraudzīja politisko brīvību atgriešanos valstī, taču tas izraisīja nemierus un opozīcijas grupu masu demonstrācijas. Perona ienaidnieki kara flotē izmantoja izdevību un lika viņu arestēt 9. oktobrī. Arodbiedrības organizēja streikus un mītiņus, protestējot pret viņa ieslodzījumu, un Perona skaistā līdzstrādniece, radioaktrise Eva Duarte, ļoti efektīvi iesaistīja sabiedrību šajā lietā. 17. oktobrī Perons tika atbrīvots, un tajā naktī viņš uzrunāja aptuveni 300 000 cilvēku pūli no prezidenta pils balkona. Viņš solīja novest tautu uz uzvaru nākamajās prezidenta vēlēšanās. Četras dienas vēlāk Perons, atraitnis, apprecējās ar Evu Duarti jeb Evitu, jo kļuva mīļi pazīstama.

Turpmākajā prezidenta kampaņā Perons apspieda liberālo opozīciju, un viņa leiboristu partija ieguva šauru, bet pilnīgu uzvaru vēlēšanās. Prezidents Perons atcēla politiskos oponentus no viņu amatiem valdībā, tiesās un skolās, nacionalizēja sabiedriskos pakalpojumus un uzlaboja algas un darba apstākļus. Lai gan viņš ierobežoja konstitucionālās brīvības, viņš ieguva pārliecinošu atbalstu no nabadzīgo darbinieku masām, kurus Evita Perón sauca. los descamisados, vai “bez krekliem”. Evitai bija svarīga loma valdībā, neoficiāli vadot Sociālās labklājības departamentu un pārņemot sava vīra kā strādnieku klases aprūpētāja lomu. Viņu sauca par “Argentīnas pirmo strādnieci” un “Cerības dāmu”, un viņai bija liela nozīme, lai panāktu sievietes vēlēšanu likuma pieņemšanu.

1950. gadā Argentīnas pēckara eksporta uzplaukums samazinājās, un inflācija un korupcija pieauga. Pēc pārvēlēšanas 1951. gadā Perons kļuva konservatīvāks un represīvāks un pārņēma kontroli pār presi, lai kontrolētu sava režīma kritiku. 1952. gada jūlijā Evita nomira no vēža, un atbalsts prezidentam Peronam strādnieku slāņu vidū kļuva izteikti mazāk izteikts. Viņa mēģinājums piespiest baznīcu un valsti nošķirt tika uztverts diezgan pretrunīgi. 1955. gada jūnijā baznīcas vadītāji viņu ekskomunicēja, mudinot militāro virsnieku kliķi plānot viņa gāšanu. 1955. gada 19. septembrī armija un flote sacēlās, un Perons bija spiests bēgt uz Paragvaju. 1960. gadā viņš apmetās uz dzīvi Spānijā.

Tikmēr virknei civilo un militāro valdību neizdevās atrisināt Argentīnas ekonomiskās problēmas. Ar laiku Perona režīma atmiņa uzlabojās, un Peronismo gadā kļuva par spēcīgāko politisko spēku valstī. 1971. gadā ģenerāļa Alehandro Lanusse militārais režīms 1973. gadā paziņoja par nodomu atjaunot konstitucionālo demokrātiju, un Peronam 1972. gadā tika atļauts apmeklēt Argentīnu. 1973. gada martā peronisti ieguva kontroli pār valdību valsts vēlēšanās, un Perons jūnijā atgriezās liels sabiedrības uztraukums un cīņa starp peronistu grupējumiem.

1973. gada oktobrī Perons tika ievēlēts par prezidentu īpašās vēlēšanās. Viņa viceprezidenta amatā tika ievēlēta viņa sieva Isabel Perón, argentīniešu dejotāja, ar kuru viņš apprecējās 1961. gadā. Viņu ļoti aizvainoja miljoniem cilvēku, kas joprojām bija veltīti Evitas Peronas piemiņai.

Ekonomiskās problēmas turpinājās Perona otrajā prezidentūrā, un tās pasliktināja 1973. gada arābu naftas embargo un mutes un nagu sērgas uzliesmojums, kas izpostīja Argentīnas liellopu gaļas nozari. Kad Perons nomira 1974. gada 1. jūlijā, viņa sieva kļuva par tādas valsts prezidentu, kas cieš no inflācijas, politiskas vardarbības un nemieriem darbā. 1976. gada martā viņa tika atcelta gaisa spēku vadītajā apvērsumā, un labējā militārā hunta pārņēma varu, kas nežēlīgi valdīja Argentīnā līdz 1982. gadam.


Argentīnas vēsture

Zinātnisks Atklāšana

1832-09-22 HMS Bīgla reisa laikā Čārlzs Darvins atklāj lielu skaitu fosiliju Punta Altā Argentīnā

    HMS Bīgls sasniedz Bahia Blanca, Argentīna Čārlzs Darvins ierodas Buenosairesā pēc ceļojuma pa Argentīnas iekšpusi kopā ar guachos Kamilu O'Gormanu un Ladislao Gutjerezu izpilda pēc Argentīnas diktatora Huana Manuela de Rosasa pavēles.

Cerro Corá kauja

1870-03-01 Trīskāršās alianses karš beidzot beidzas ar Cerro Corá kauju un Paragvajas diktatora Fransisko Solano Lopesa nāvi pēc vairāk nekā 5 gadus ilgas asinsizliešanas starp Paragvaju un Argentīnu, Brazīliju un Urugvaju

    Pirmais telegrāfa savienojums Argentīnā. Tobas indieši nogalina 20 franču ekspedīcijas dalībniekus Argentīnā Argentīnas politiķa Domingo Sarmiento nāve, pēc kura tiek izvēlēta Latīņamerikas skolotāju diena.

Notikums no Interese

1893-03-11 Karloss Gardels un viņa māte Berta Gardēsa ierodas Buenosairesā, Argentīnā

    Tiek dibināta 6960 m (22 834 pēdas) Sero Akonkagva (Argentīna), kuru uzkāpa Eiropas ekspedīcija, kuru vadīja britu alpīnists Edvards Ficdžeralds Racing Club de Avellaneda, viens no Argentīnas lielajiem pieciniekiem. Apvienotā Karaliste pārdod meteoroloģisko staciju Orkneju dienvidu salās Argentīnai. Pēc tam Apvienotā Karaliste 1908. gadā pieprasīja salas. Bronzas Kristus statuja uz Argentīnas un Čīles robežas, paredzēta 120 ° F (49 ° C), Rivadavija, Argentīna Amerikas rekords) -33 ° C

Notikums no Interese

1914-04-25 Argentīnas, Brazīlijas un Čīles ASV prezidentu Vudro Vilsonu pierunā pieņemt starpniecību konfliktā ar Meksiku

Valsts apvērsums

1930-09-06 Demokrātiski ievēlētais Argentīnas prezidents Hipólito Yrigoyen tiek atlaists militārajā apvērsumā.

    Britu atklātais vīriešu golfs, Carnoustie: Amerikāņu skots Tomijs Armors ar vienu sitienu pārspēj argentīnieti Hosē Jurado, izcīnot savu vienīgo Open titulu, un viņa 3. un pēdējā lielā čempione Argentīna iegūst polo zelta medaļu, finālā uzvarot Lielbritāniju ar 11: 0. Berlīnes Olimpisko spēļu pēdējā reize, kad šis sporta veids tiek sacensties Olimpiskajās spēlēs Nīderlande Rī Mastenbruka peld Olimpisko rekordu 1: 05,9, lai Berlīnes Olimpiskajās spēlēs uzvarētu 100 m brīvajā stilā sievietēm, ar 0:05 pārspējot argentīnieti Žanetu Kempbelu.

Notikums no Interese

1943-06-04 Argentīnu pārņēma ģenerālis Rouzons un pulkvedis Huans Perons

    Kara ministrs Huans Perons vada apvērsumu Argentīnā Lojalitātes dienā Argentīnā, masu demonstrācijās, lai atbrīvotu Huanu Peronu ģenerāli Huanu Peronu par pirmo ievēlēto Argentīnas prezidentu Delfo Kabrera no Argentīnas uzvar Londonas Olimpisko spēļu Lielbritānijas atklātajā vīriešu vīriešu dramatiskajā maratonā ar 2: 34: 51,6 Golfs, Karaliskā Troona: Bobijs Loks no Dienvidāfrikas saglabā titulu ar 2 sitieniem no Roberto De Vicenzo no Argentīnas 1. Panamerikas spēles (Buenosairesa, Argentīna)

Notikums no Interese

1951-04-04 Nīderlandes princis Bernhards Buenosairesā apmeklē Argentīnas prezidentu Huanu un Evu Peronu

    Britu atklātais vīriešu golfs, Royal Portrush GC: anglis Makss Faulkners uzvar ar 2 sitieniem no argentīnieša Antonio Kerda Huans Manuels Fangio no Argentīnas uzvar Formula 1 pasaules braucēju čempionātā, izcīnot Spānijas Grand Prix Pedralbesā Alfa Romeo uzvar par 6 punktiem no Itālietis Alberto Ascari argentīnietis Huans Manuels Fangio izcīnīja savu otro Formula 1 pasaules braucēju čempionu titulu, uzvarot Šveices Grand Prix Bremgartenā Maserati Lielbritānijas braucējs Maiks Hawthorne uzvar sezonu noslēdzošajā Spānijas Grand Prix Pedralbes Argentīnas Maserati pilots Huans Manuels Fangio ieņem otro Formula 1 pasaules pilotu Čempionāts ar 17 punktu pārsvaru no tautieša Hosē Froilana Gonsalesa Minasa Geraisa Argentīnas tuneļa alas 30 Argentīnas parlamentā pieņem baznīcas un valsts nošķiršanu

"Ļaunuma banalitāte"

1960-05-23 Izraēla paziņo par nacistu Ādolfa Eichmana sagūstīšanu Argentīnā

Notikums no Interese

1960-06-08 Argentīnas valdība pieprasa atbrīvot Ādolfu Eihmanu

    Argentīna sūdzas ANO par Izraēlas neatļautu Eihmana Antonio Albertondo (Argentīna) pārvešanu, kas pabeidz Lamanša pirmo "divkāršo" peldējumu 43 stundu 10 minūšu laikā pie 42. Zelta bumbas: Juventus argentīniešu uzbrucējs Omars Sívori iegūst Eiropas labākā futbolista balvu apsteidzot spāņu pussargu Luisu Suaresu un angļu uzbrucēju Džoniju Heinsu

Britu golfs Atvērt

1967-07-15 Britu atklātais vīriešu golfs, Royal Liverpool GC: 44 gadus vecais argentīnietis Roberts De Vicenzo uzvar savā vienīgajā nozīmīgajā čempionātā, 2 sitienu attālumā no čempionu titulu aizstāvošā Džeka Niklausa

    Nīderlandes lidmašīnu pārvadātājs Karels Dormans (agrāk britu HMS Venerable) pēc 15 gadus vecā studenta nāves pārdeva Argentīnai pilsoņu nemierus Rosario, Argentīnā. Vispārējais streiks Kordobā, Argentīnā, izraisot pilsoņu nemierus Kordobāzo. Argentīnā ar ekspresi sabojāts piepilsētas vilciens, 139 mirst Argentīnas militārā hunta Huana Karlosa Lanuses vadībā, gāžot prezidentu Huanu Karlosu Onganiju Argentīnas bokseris Karloss Monzons 12. kārtā sarūgtina čempionu titulēto Nino Benvenuti KO Romā, lai uzvarētu WBC, WBA vidējā svara titulus Lielbritānija un Argentīna paraksta vienošanos par Folklenda salu peronistu Hektoru Kamporu, kurš iecelts par Argentīnas prezidentu Huanu Peronu, pēc 18 gadu Ezeizas slaktiņa Buenosairesā, Argentīnā, atgriežas no trimdas Argentīnā. Snaiperi šauj uz kreisajiem peronistiem. Vismaz 13 cilvēki gājuši bojā un vairāk nekā 300 ievainoti gadā viņa vīrs Huans kļūst par Argentīnas prezidentu

Notikums no Interese

1974-12-15 Argentīnas Giljermo Vilass ar 7: 6, 6: 2, 3: 6, 3: 6, 6: 4 pārspēj čempiona titulu aizstāvošo Nīstu, izcīnot pirmo un vienīgo sezonas beigu ATP Masters Grand Prix tenisa finālu Melburnā , Austrālija

Francijas atklātais čempionāts Teniss vīriešiem

1975-06-15 Francijas atklātais vīriešu teniss: zviedrs Bjorns Borgs saglabā titula pārsvaru argentīnietim Giljermo Vilamam ar 6-2, 6-3, 6-4


Bēdīgi slavenā desmitgade

30. gadi Argentīnā tiek dēvēti par bēdīgi slaveno desmitgadi, jo valda krāpšanās ar vēlēšanām, politisko opozīcijas partiju vajāšanas un vispārējā valdības korupcija.

Mācību mērķi

Paskaidrojiet, kāpēc 30. gadi tika dēvēti par bēdīgi slaveno desmitgadi

Galvenie līdzņemamie ēdieni

Galvenie punkti

  • Argentīnas bēdīgi slavenā desmitgade attiecas uz laika posmu, kas sākās 1930. gadā ar Hosē Fēliksa Uriburu valsts apvērsumu pret pastāvīgo prezidentu Hipolito Jrigoyen un beidzās ar Huana Perona piecelšanos pie varas pēc 1943. gada militārā apvērsuma.
  • Ģenerālleitnanta Uriburu režīmu stingri atbalstīja labējie intelektuāļi, un viņa valdība pieņēma bargus pasākumus, lai novērstu gāztā režīma draugu atriebību un kontrrevolūcijas taktiku.
  • Agustina Pedro Justo Rolona administrāciju aptraipīja nepārtrauktas baumas par korupciju, un to vislabāk atceras ar viņa ārlietu ministra izcilo diplomātisko darbu.
  • Viens no strīdīgākajiem Justo prezidentūras panākumiem ir Roca-Runciman līguma parakstīšana 1933.
  • Justo pirmais finanšu ministrs Alberto Hueyo veica ļoti ierobežojošus pasākumus pret ekonomiku. Huejo galu galā nomainīja Frederiko Pinedo, kura plāns par valdības iejaukšanos ekonomikā bija vēl nozīmīgāks.
  • Pinedo sāka Argentīnas rūpniecības attīstību, izmantojot importa aizstāšanas politiku, un izveidoja Argentīnas Centrālo banku.
  • Roberto Marcelino Ortiz tika krāpnieciski ievēlēts par prezidentu un stājās amatā 1938. gada februārī. Viņš mēģināja sakārtot valsts korupcijas problēmu un atcēla konservatīvā Alberto Barselo uzvarētās krāpnieciskās vēlēšanas.
  • 1942. gada jūnijā Ortizs slimības dēļ atkāpās no prezidenta amata un mēnesi vēlāk nomira. Viņa vietā stājās viceprezidents Ramons S. Kastillo.
  • 1943. gada 4. jūnijā nacionālistu slepenā biedrība armijā ar nosaukumu Grupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU) apvērsumā gāza Kastillo.

Pamatjēdzieni

  • Bēdīgi slavenā desmitgade: Laika periods Argentīnā, kas sākas 1930. gadā, ko raksturo krāpšana vēlēšanās, politiskās opozīcijas vajāšana un vispārēja valdības korupcija.
  • importa aizstāšana: Tirdzniecības un ekonomikas politika, kas atbalsta ārvalstu importa aizstāšanu ar vietējo ražošanu.

Argentīnas bēdīgi slavenā desmitgade attiecas uz laika posmu, kas sākās 1930. gadā ar Hosē Fēliksa Uriburu valsts apvērsumu pret pastāvīgo prezidentu Hipolito Jrigoyen un beidzās ar Huana Perona piecelšanos pie varas pēc 1943. gada militārā apvērsuma. izceļošanu no laukiem, jo ​​daudzus mazos lauku zemes īpašniekus sagrāva globālā depresija, kas galu galā Argentīnu virzīja uz importa aizstāšanas industrializācijas politiku. Šīs politikas sliktie ekonomiskie rezultāti un tās radītā neapmierinātība izraisīja valsts apvērsumu 1943. gadā. Šo periodu raksturoja krāpšana vēlēšanās, politiskās opozīcijas vajāšana un vispārēja valdības korupcija.

Uriburu prezidentūra (1930-1932)

Ģenerālleitnants Hosē Fēlikss Benito Uriburu un Uriburu ar militāru apvērsumu sasniedza Argentīnas prezidenta amatu, un viņa pilnvaru termiņš ilga no 1930. gada 6. septembra līdz 1932. gada 20. februārim. Pazīstamais kā “nabadzīgo tēvs” pastāvīgais prezidents Hipolito Yrigoyen bija pārliecinoši 1928. gadā tika ievēlēts savā otrajā pilnvaru termiņā pēc kārtas, taču arvien biežāk viņu ieskauj palīgi, kas slēpa no viņa patiesās Lielās depresijas sekas valstī. Tā rezultātā fašistiskās un konservatīvās armijas nozares atklāti plānoja režīma maiņu, tāpat kā amerikāņu kompānija Standard Oil of New Jersey, kas iebilda gan pret prezidenta centieniem ierobežot naftas kontrabandu no Saltas provinces uz Bolīviju, gan YPF dominējošo stāvokli. Argentīnas naftas tirgus. Šo faktoru dēļ Uriburu bija ideāls laiks, lai īstenotu Argentīnas pirmo militāro apvērsumu kopš Argentīnas konstitūcijas pieņemšanas pret Yrigoyen demokrātiski ievēlēto administrāciju, izmantojot galēji labējo Argentīnas Patriotisko līgu.

Hosē Fēlikss Uriburu: Hosē Fēlikss Uriburu bija Argentīnas 22. prezidents.

Pašu Uriburu režīmu stingri atbalstīja labēji intelektuāļi, piemēram, Rodolofo un Hulio Irazusta un Huans Karulla, un jaunā valdība pieņēma bargus pasākumus, lai novērstu gāztā režīma draugu represijas un kontrrevolūcijas taktiku. Jo īpaši anarhistus Uriburu diktatūra uzskatīja par sabiedrības ienaidniekiem. Uriburu režīma laikā trim anarhistiem tika piespriests mūža ieslodzījums par iespējamu slepkavību konservatīvā politiķa Hosē M. Blanča ģimenes locekļos izrādes tiesas procesā, kurā anarhisti tika atklāti spīdzināti. Izstādes tiesvedība notika uz papēžiem ASV Sacco un Vanzetti lietā, kurā diviem Itālijā dzimušiem amerikāņu anarhistiem tika piespriests nāvessods pēc tam, kad viņi tika atzīti par vainīgiem slepkavībā, ko plaši uzskatīja par politiski motivētu spriedumu. Argentīnas gadījums piesaistīja daudzas paralēles Sacco un Vanzetti un izraisīja starptautisku sabiedrības sašutumu.

Prezidentam Uriburu 1932. gada sākumā tika diagnosticēts kuņģa vēzis, un viņš nomira Parīzē pēc operācijas 1932. gada 29. aprīlī.

Justo prezidentūra (1932-1938)

Agustins Pedro Justo Rolons bija Argentīnas prezidents no 1932. gada 20. februāra līdz 1938. gada 20. februārim. Viņš bija militārpersona, diplomāts un politiķis. Justo nopelnīja Concordance nomināciju 1931. gada prezidenta kampaņai un uzvarēja ar Nacionālās demokrātiskās partijas, Radikālās pilsoniskās savienības un Sociālistiskās neatkarīgās partijas izveidotās alianses atbalstu. Neskatoties uz to, apsūdzības par vēlēšanu krāpšanu bija daudz, un Justo administrāciju aptraipīja nemitīgas baumas par korupciju. Viņa administrāciju vislabāk atceras viņa ārlietu ministra Karlosa Saavedras Lamas izcilais diplomātiskais darbs.

Agustins P. Justo: Agustins P. Justo bija Argentīnas 23. prezidents.

Roca-Runciman līgums

Viens no strīdīgākajiem Justo prezidentūras panākumiem ir Roca-Runciman līguma parakstīšana 1933. gadā. Tā kā Apvienotā Karaliste ir pieņēmusi pasākumus, kas veicina importu no savām kolonijām un valdībām, Justo nosūtīja savu viceprezidentu Julio A. Roca Jr. tehnoloģiju delegācijas vadītājs, lai risinātu sarunas par tirdzniecības nolīgumu, kas varētu nākt par labu Argentīnai. Briti iepriekš bija galvenie Argentīnas graudu un gaļas pircēji, tāpēc viņu ražošanas protekcionisma pasākumi apdraud Argentīnas zemes īpašniekus, kuri tirgojās ar šiem lauksaimniecības produktiem. Roca-Runciman līgums Apvienotajai Karalistei nodrošināja svaigu gaļu apmaiņā pret nozīmīgām investīcijām Argentīnas transportā, pieprasot zināmas piekāpšanās, piemēram, Buenosairesas sabiedriskā transporta nodošanu Lielbritānijas uzņēmumam. Līgums izraisīja skandālu, jo, lai gan Apvienotā Karaliste piekrita turpināt importēt argentīniešu gaļu, tās piešķīra Argentīnai importa kvotu, kas ir mazāka par jebkuru tās dominējošo valsti: 390 000 tonnu gaļas gadā, un 85% no Argentīnas eksporta tiek organizēti, izmantojot Lielbritānijas saldētavas nosūtītājus. Bija arī citas tālejošas koncesijas, piemēram, Apvienotās Karalistes pārvaldītajos dzelzceļos nebija ieviesti regulēti tarifi, muitas nodevas par oglēm joprojām nebija noteiktas, un Lielbritānijas uzņēmumiem ar ieguldījumiem Argentīnā tika piešķirtas vairākas īpašas atlaides, piemēram, eksporta cenas. Lai gan Roca-Runciman līgums izglāba Argentīnas un Lielbritānijas lauksaimniecības produktu tirdzniecību, tas apbēdināja tos, kuri jau kritizē britu iesaistīšanos savā valstī.

Hueyo un Pinedo ekonomiskā politika

Justo pirmais finanšu ministrs Alberto Hueyo veica ļoti ierobežojošus pasākumus pret ekonomiku. Hueyo samazināja valsts izdevumus un ierobežoja valūtas apriti papildus citu skarbo fiskālo pasākumu piemērošanai. Emprestito patriotico jeb patriotisks aizdevums tika veikts, cenšoties stiprināt valsts budžetu. Tomēr galu galā Justo centās Hueyo aizstāt ar sociālistu Frederiko Pinedo, kura plāns par valdības iejaukšanos ekonomikā bija vēl nozīmīgāks.

Pinedo sāka Argentīnas rūpniecības attīstību, izmantojot importa aizstāšanas politiku. Juntas Reguladores Nacionales tika izveidots Pinedo vadībā, lai palīdzētu attīstīt privāto un valsts rūpniecisko darbību. Juntas arī pārraudzīja vietējā patēriņa un eksporta kvalitātes un cenu kontroli. Piemēram, lai izvairītos no pārprodukcijas, Juntas iznīcināja veselas kukurūzas kravas un miljonus peso gadā.

Pinedo izveidoja arī Centrālo banku (BCRA), kuru konsultēja Anglijas Bankas direktors sers Oto Nīmeijers. Niemeyer iesaistīšanās izraisīja smagu kritiku no tiem, kas atteicās no britu iesaistīšanās Argentīnā. Tika uzsākts valsts ceļu būves projekts, kas konkurēja ar dzelzceļa sistēmu, kas lielākoties palika Lielbritānijas uzņēmumu rokās. Tā kā valsts autoceļi 1938. gadā sasniedza 30 000 kilometru, ASV autobūves uzņēmumi varēja iekļūt Argentīnas tirgū un palielināt pārdošanas apjomus. ASV tiešās ārvalstu investīcijas pieauga saskaņā ar Pinedo politiku, un tekstilfirmas, piemēram, Sudamtex, Ducilo un Anderson Clayton, izveidojās Argentīnā. Šajā laikā uz Argentīnu sāka migrēt arī riepu uzņēmumi, elektronikas firmas un ķīmijas firmas.

Ortizas un Kastillo administrācijas (1938-1943)

Roberto Marcelino Ortiz un Ramon S. Castillo kandidatūras 1938. gada vēlēšanām, attiecīgi, prezidenta un viceprezidenta amatam, tika uzsāktas Lielbritānijas Tirdzniecības kamerā, un to atbalstīja tās prezidents Viljams Makkalums. Ortiss tika krāpnieciski ievēlēts par prezidentu un savu jauno amatu sāka pildīt 1938. gada februārī. Viņš mēģināja sakārtot valsts korupcijas problēmu, pavēlot federālai intervencei Buenosairesas provincē, kuru pārvaldīja Manuels Fresko. Viņš arī atcēla konservatīvā Alberto Barselo uzvarētās krāpnieciskās vēlēšanas.

Pinedo palika ekonomikas ministrs Ortisa administrācijas laikā. 1940. gada 18. novembrī viņš iepazīstināja ar Ekonomikas atjaunošanas plānu, kurā būtu īstenoti stingri protekcionisma pasākumi un iestājās par sabiedrisko mājokļu celtniecību, lai tiktu galā ar cilvēku pieplūdumu pilsētu centros. Pinedo arī ierosināja Lielbritānijā pārvaldīto dzelzceļu nacionalizāciju un pat vienojās ar dzelzceļa īpašniekiem par izdevīgiem nosacījumiem, pirms publiski iepazīstināja ar savu politiku. Tomēr konservatīvās frakcijas balsoja pret šiem pasākumiem, un Pinedo drīz pēc tam atkāpās no amata.

Otrā pasaules kara laikā Argentīna saglabāja to pašu neitralitāti, ko tā pieņēma pirmā pasaules kara laikā, kas bija izdevīgi Lielbritānijai. Lai gan ASV mēģināja iebāzt Argentīnu karā, valsts spēja pretoties ar britu atbalstu. 1942. gada jūnijā Ortizs slimības dēļ atkāpās no prezidenta amata un mēnesi vēlāk nomira. Viņa vietā stājās viceprezidents Kastillo. Tajā pašā gadā tika izveidota Demokrātiskās savienības politiskā koalīcija, kurā ietilpa Radikālā pilsoniskā savienība, Demokrātiskā progresīvā partija, kā arī sociālistu un komunistiskās partijas. Viņu vēlēšanu platformas mērķis bija novērst endēmisko korupciju, garantēt domas un pulcēšanās brīvību un nodrošināt arodbiedrību tiesības. Koalīcija arī apgalvoja aktīvu solidaritāti ar cilvēkiem, kas cīnās pret nacistu-fašistu agresiju.

1943. gada 4. jūnijā nacionālistu slepenā biedrība armijā ar nosaukumu Grupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU) apvērsumā gāza Kastillo. GOU organizēja pulkveža Migela A. Montesa un Urbano de la Vegas vadībā, un tajā bija tādi dalībnieki kā pulkvedis Huans Domingo Perons un Enrike P. Gonsaless. Viņu apvērsums beidza Bēdīgi slaveno desmitgadi un izveidoja militāru hunta, kas pastāvēja līdz 1945. gadam. Grupa bija līdzjūtīga nacistiskās Vācijas un fašistiskās Itālijas cēloņiem. Ģenerālis Arturo Rawson tika iecelts par prezidentu, bet ieņēma amatu tikai dažas dienas, pirms GOU viņu aizstāja ar ģenerāli Pedro Ramirez.


Perons kā prezidents

Huana Domingo un Evas Peronas portrets 1947. gadā. Fotoattēls: Wikipedia

Laikā, kad Perons tika ievēlēts par Argentīnas prezidentu 1946. gadā, viņš bija gatavs veikt nopietnas izmaiņas savas valsts administrācijā. Viņš ieviesa radikālas sociālās reformas, nacionalizēja dzelzceļu un bankas, paaugstināja algas un ierobežoja darba laiku, ieviešot obligātās brīvdienas lielākajā daļā darba vietu. Viņš uzņēma milzīgu sabiedrisko ēku, uzcēla skolas un slimnīcas un nostiprināja savu (un viņa sievas) nepārtraukto strādnieku šķiras dievināšanu.

Evitas nāve liecināja par dramatiskām izmaiņām Perona vadībā un popularitātē. Vienlaikus ar valsts ekonomikas stagnāciju un pieaugošo konservatīvo neuzticību Peronam, viņa atbalsts sāka mazināties. Baumas par nepareizu uzvedību ar jaunām peronistu sekotājām sabojāja viņa reputāciju un savulaik dievinošās sievietes vērsās pret viņu. Viņš nonāca pretrunā ar Argentīnas katoļu baznīcu, kas toreiz (un vēl tagad) bija milzīgs spēks valstī. Pēc mēģinājuma legalizēt prostitūciju un šķiršanos viņš tika ekskomunicēts, un viņa militārie pretinieki izmantoja situāciju, lai sāktu vardarbīgu apvērsumu, kura laikā gaisa spēki bombardēja Plaza De Mayo, kā rezultātā tika nogalināti vairāk nekā 400 cilvēki. 1955. gada septembrī Perons tika šauri evakuēts no sava biroja, kad Kordobā sāka darboties militārpersonas. Nākamos 18 gadus Perons pavadīs trimdā, vispirms Venecuēlā un Panamā, pirms beidzot apmetīsies uz dzīvi Spānijā.

La Casa Rosada atrodas iepretim Plaza de Mayo. Fotoattēlu kredīts: aizbīdnis


Perons nogāzts Argentīnā - VĒSTURE

Peronisms Argentīnā ir tāda parādība kā neviena cita. Nav citas valsts, kas parakstītos uz šo nenosakāmo politisko ideoloģiju, un tā ir arī vissvarīgākā ideja Argentīnas politikā. Bez peronisma nav mūsdienu Argentīnas politikas. Trīs no septiņiem iepriekšējo prezidenta vēlēšanu kandidātiem sevi dēvēja par peronistiem, taču ar atšķirīgu politisko viedokli. Tāpēc, lai to saprastu, ir jāaplūko Argentīnas 20. gadsimta vissvarīgākās politiskās kustības vēsturiskās saknes, kuru ietekmi nevar novērtēt par zemu. Tātad, kā tas sākās? No kurienes radās šī ideja? Un, kā vairums cilvēku pazīst, viss sākās ar vienu vīrieti - Huanu Domingo Peronu.

Cilvēks, kura kustība ir nosaukta pēc vārda, Huans Domingo Perons (1895–1974) bija ģenerālis un diplomāts, kurš tika ievēlēts prezidenta amatā trīs reizes, 1946., 1951. un 1973. gadā. Viņš bija neticami prasmīgs politiķis, kurš piesaistīja miljoniem atbalstītāju no dažādiem politiskajiem uzskatiem un spēja piesaistīt lielas Argentīnas iedzīvotāju grupas.

Viņa politika parasti bija saistīta ar lielāku iekļaušanos starp visām klasēm un ražošanas veidiem. Tas bija sociāls darījums starp arodbiedrībām, korporācijām, darba ņēmējiem un valsti, lai attīstītu nozares ar ieguldījumu no visām pusēm.

 Argentīna pirms Perona 

Pirms Perona uzplaukuma Argentīna bija starptautiski savienota ar rietumiem, spēcīgāk - Lielbritāniju. Tā bija imigrantu valsts, kuras ekonomika balstījās uz lauksaimniecības eksportu, īpaši pēc gaļas un vilnas uzplaukuma Pirmā pasaules kara laikā un pēc tā. Valstī dominēja neliela, ļoti turīga zemes īpašumu oligarhija, kas būtībā kontrolēja valdību, kas valdīja viņu interesēs, izslēdzot lielu iedzīvotāju skaitu.

Pēc pirmā pasaules kara, “bēdīgi slavenās desmitgades”, faktiski 13 gadus no 1930. līdz 1943. gadam Argentīna bija pakļauta konservatīvai un aristokrātiskai koalīcijai, kas pazīstama kā Concordancia. Tehniski bija izveidotas demokrātiskas institūcijas, taču praksē zemākās klases tika izslēgtas no politikas, un tradicionāli spēcīgā darbaspēka kustība tika vājināta.
1943. gadā to pārņēma militārā hunta, un Nacionālā darba departamenta vadībā tika iecelts jauns ģenerālis Huans Perons. Perons atzīmēja argentīniešu strādnieku šķiras stāvokli, un, lai gan lielākā daļa citu politisko līderu nebija ieinteresēti zemākajās klasēs, Perons to atzina un izmantoja to. Savā lomā viņš ieviesa virkni reformu, tostarp valsts apdrošināšanu, apmaksātas brīvdienas un pensiju shēmu.

Tikmēr galvenā arodbiedrību federācija CGT 1942. gadā bija sadalījusies starp vienu frakciju, kuru vadīja komunisti un daži sociālisti, un citu, kuru vadīja anarhosindikāļi, pēdējos ieskaitot dzelzceļa strādniekus. Abas nodaļas bija neapmierinātas un vīlušās iepriekšējā konservatīvajā valdībā, kas tās bija pilnībā ignorējusi, un viņus sajūsmināja Perona pievērstā uzmanība. Izspēlējot vienu pret otru, viņam izdevās atstumt komunistus un pakļaut viņu pretiniekus, vienlaikus uzrunājot strādnieku masu pār arodbiedrību birokrātijas galvām. Tajā pašā laikā viņš iebilda militārajā jomā par spēcīgu valsti, lai pretotos sociālajiem traucējumiem, un vērsās pie lielajiem uzņēmumiem ar nepieciešamību iekļaut strādnieku klasi.

1945. gada martā tautas līderi pievienojās Apvienoto Nāciju Organizācijai un pieteica karu Vācijai, atgriežoties pie tā, kāpēc viņi vispirms veica apvērsumu. Septembrī notika masveida, pārsvarā vidusslāņa "Gājiens par brīvību un konstitūciju". Armija mēģināja uzņemties šo opozīciju un 8. oktobrī Peronu atlaida, bet pēc tam arestēja.

Strādnieku šķira un lielākās arodbiedrības to uztvēra kā uzbrukumu savai politiskajai ietekmei un dzīves līmenim, un streiku vilnis pārņēma valsti, un milzīga, lielākoties strādnieku klašu demonstrācija Buenosairesas centrā Plaza de Mayo deva pietiekamu spēku un pārliecību. Perona atbalstītājiem armijā, lai piespiestu viņu atbrīvot. Tā bija patiesa strādnieku šķiras parādīšanās uz Argentīnas politiskās skatuves, nevis neatkarīgs spēks Perona kontrolē.

Armijas, Baznīcas un CGT atbalstīts Perons kļuva par oficiālo kandidātu prezidenta vēlēšanās. Viņš tika pienācīgi ievēlēts par prezidentu ar 10 procentu balsu vairākumu un 56 procentiem balsu 1946. gada 24. februārī.

Perona pirmā prezidentūra

Laika posms no 1946. līdz 1955. gadam iezīmēja pagrieziena punktu valsts ekonomiskajā attīstībā. Pirms tam valstī dominēja lieli zemes īpašnieki un lauksaimniecības eksports, ko spēcīgi ietekmēja ārvalstu kapitāls. Bet šis modelis bija sācis vājināties pagājušā gadsimta trīsdesmitajos gados, taču tikai 40. gadu vidū to aizstāja tā sauktā “importa aizstāšanas industrializācija” (ISI).

Peron jaunā ekonomiskā paradigma balstījās uz darbietilpīgas, vieglās rūpniecības attīstību, lai radītu darba vietas un ražotu vietējās preces iekšējam tirgum. Valstij bija svarīga loma, lai novirzītu ienākumus no lauksaimniecības eksporta uz rūpniecību, paaugstinātu importa tarifus un nacionalizētu tādus ārvalstu uzņēmumus kā dzelzceļš, gāze, telefons un elektrība.

Šī modeļa pamatā būtu šķiru alianses, kā arī alianses starp bruņotajiem spēkiem un katoļu baznīcu saskaņā ar Perona “trešo ceļu”, ne kreiso, ne labo. Tomēr šī alianse izslēdza vecos zemes īpašniekus - “oligarhiju” -, kas kļūs par jaunās valdības ienaidnieku numur viens.

Valsts jaunā loma un šajā laikā iegūtās tiesības tika formulētas 1949. gadā pieņemtajā jaunajā konstitūcijā, kurā sociālais taisnīgums un “vispārējās intereses” tika izvirzītas visu politisko un ekonomisko darbību centrā. Jaunais konstitucionālais teksts ietvēra virkni “sociālo tiesību” (tā sauktās otrās paaudzes tiesības), kas saistītas ar darba ņēmējiem, ģimenēm, vecāka gadagājuma cilvēkiem, izglītību un kultūru.

Pirmās prezidentūras laikā ievērojama loma bija Perona harizmātiskajai sievai Evai Peronai (jeb „Evita”, kā viņu sauca viņas sekotāji), un ir plaši atzīts, ka viņa bija galvenā saikne starp prezidentu un strādnieku kustību. Evita also had an active role in the development of women's rights, such as the right to vote (1947) and the equality of men and women in marriage and in the care of children -even fighting internal opposition to achieve these goals.

Second Government (1951-1955)

Perón was re-elected in 1951, obtaining a massive 62% of the vote (which, for the first time, included the female voters). But this term was much more problematic for the president. His wife, Evita, died of cancer a month after his reelection, and the economic situation worsened after a drop in the international price of agricultural products and severe droughts.

Perón was forced to introduce some austerity measures and improve poor relations with foreign companies. All these measures contradicted the model that Perón himself had implemented, and divided opinion among his followers.

This was in addition to Perón beginning to lose support with some unions, and his relationship with the Church was essentially an open conflict in 1954.

On June 16th, 1955, the political opposition (conservative, radicals and socialists) together with the Navy and with the support of the Church, carried out a botched coup d’etat against Perón. Navy planes bombed the Plaza de Mayo, where a rally was taking place, killing more than 300 people. Perón's attempt to appease the crowd failed and that very night groups of Peronist activists took to the streets of Buenos Aires and burnt several churches.

After the failed coup, Perón tried to keep the situation under control and called for a truce with the opposition. However on 31st August, after talks with the opposition failed, the president hardened his position when, during a public speech, he pronounced the now famous phrase: “for each one of us who fall, five of them will follow”. Seventeen days later, on the 16th September, a new military uprising -led again by the Navy- succeeded in deposing Perón, who asked for political refuge in Paraguay and left the country on the 20th of September. It would be 17 years until he stepped on Argentine soil again.

While Perón was in exile, the disparate groups that made up the Peronist movement fractured without his leadership. The new government also dissolved the Peronist party, and banned all of its members from running for office. Even mentioning the names of Perón or Evita was prohibited. The subsequent weakening of the Peronist unions left many workers once again unprotected and exposed to the abuses of some employers.

Perón's Brief Return

In 1972 Perón was finally able to return to Argentina, where he chose Héctor Cámpora to be the presidential candidate. The plan was for Campora to win the election, and lift the ban on Perón running so he could run the following year, the plan worked.
On June 20, 1973 Perón made his final return to Argentina, where a huge welcome was planned at the airport. But as he was due to land, the contradictions within his movement were exposed.

At the airport, the right wing groups, including the CGT union and the left including the militant Montoneros groups showed up, but a battle soon developed and the unionist right opened fire on the leftist tendencies killing at least 13 and wounding hundreds.
The next month, in July Cámpora resigned from the presidency and Perón, who was now 78 years old won the election with 62 percent of the vote. He called for both the right and left wing factions to unite in his speech, but after the killing of the CGT leader Jose Igancio Rucci, Perón gave more support to the right wing factions.

Perón died on the 1st of July 1974, and his second wife and vice-president Isabel Martínez de Perón (photo below) took office. In March 1976, she was deposed in an air-force-led coup, and a right-wing military junta took power and brutally ruled Argentina until 1982.

Mantojums
Peron's legacy is the most important in ArgentinaPeronism is still Argentina's most potent political force, and survives as a legitimate political philosophy which among others incorporates nationalism, political independence and a strong government supporting the working classes. The current president of Argentina Cristina Fernandez is a member of the Justicialist Party, a Peronist party and considers herself following in the footsteps of Peron and Evita.

The Peronist movement has managed to survive the twists and turns of Argentine history, much of it owed to the fact that from its very origin under Peron it had broad support, not just from the social sectors that benefited from Peron's pro-working class policies. This support continued to expand as the benefited sectors lost much of their original political and social clout.

Peron had established a brand of labor orientated populism that became a model for many politicians and followers of him. He was the first to attack the once powerful agricultural sector, and prioritize the industrial sector in Argentina. Although his personal brand of politics eventually broke down, the policies and institutions he created have paved the way for the economic boom Argentina has experienced since the early years of the 21st century.


Meeting Juan Perón

On January 15, 1944, a massive earthquake struck western Argentina, killing 6,000 people. Argentines across the country wanted to help their fellow countrymen. In Buenos Aires, the effort was led by 48-year-old Army Colonel Juan Domingo Perón, the head of the nation's labor department.

Perón asked Argentina's performers to use their fame to promote his cause. Actors, singers, and others (including Eva Duarte) walked the streets of Buenos Aires to collect money for earthquake victims. The fundraising effort culminated in a benefit held at a local stadium. There, on January 22, 1944, Eva met Colonel Juan Perón.

Perón, a widower whose wife had died of cancer in 1938, was immediately drawn to her. The two became inseparable and very soon Eva proved herself Perón's most ardent supporter. She used her position at the radio station to feature broadcasts that praised Perón as a benevolent government figure.


Argentina: History

Little is known of the earliest inhabitants of the region. Only in NW Argentina was there a native population with a material culture. They were an agricultural people (recalled today by ruins N of Jujuy), but their importance was eclipsed later by the Araucanians from Chile. Europeans probably first arrived in the region in 1502 in the voyage of Amerigo Vespucci. The southern inhabitants at that time primarily hunted and fished, while the northwestern Incas were agricultural and quite advanced, having built a highway before the arrival of the Spanish. The search for a Southwest Passage to Asia and the East Indies brought Juan Díaz de Solís to the Río de la Plata in 1516. Ferdinand Magellan entered (1520) the estuary, and Sebastian Cabot ascended (1536) the Paraná and Paraguay rivers. His delight in native ornaments may be responsible for the names Río de la Plata [silver river] and Argentīna [of silver].

Pedro de Mendoza in 1536 founded the first settlement of the present Buenos Aires, but native attacks forced abandonment of the settlement, and Asunción became the unquestioned leading city of the Río de la Plata region. Buenos Aires was refounded in 1580 by Juan de Garay. His son-in-law, Hernando Arias de Saavedra (Hernandarias), secured the division of the Río de la Plata territories, and Buenos Aires achieved (1617) a sort of semi-independence under the viceroyalty of Peru.

The mercantilist system, however, severely hampered the commerce of Buenos Aires, and smuggling, especially with Portuguese traders in Brazil, became an accepted profession. While the cities of present W and NW Argentina grew by supplying the mining towns of the Andes, Buenos Aires was threatened by Portuguese competition. By the 18th cent., cattle (which were introduced to the Pampas in the 1550s) roamed wild throughout the Pampas in large herds and were hunted by gauchos for their skins and fat.

In 1776 the Spanish government made Buenos Aires a free port and the capital of a viceroyalty that included present Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, and (briefly) Bolivia. From this combination grew the idea of a Greater Argentina to include all the Río de la Plata countries, a dream that was to haunt many Argentine politicians after independence was won.

A prelude to independence was the British attack on Buenos Aires. Admiral Sir Home Popham and Gen. William Carr Beresford took the city in 1806 after the Spanish viceroy fled. An Argentine militia force under Jacques de Liniers ended the British occupation and beat off a renewed attack under Gen. John Whitelocke in 1807.

On May 25, 1810 (May 25 is the Argentine national holiday), revolutionists, acting nominally in favor of the Bourbons dethroned by Napoleon (see Spain), deposed the viceroy, and the government was controlled by a junta. The result was war against the royalists. The patriots under Manuel Belgrano won (1812) a victory at Tucumán. On July 9, 1816, a congress in Tucumán proclaimed the independence of the United Provinces of the Río de La Plata. Other patriot generals were Mariano Moreno, Juan Martín de Pueyrredón, and José de San Martín.

Uruguay and Paraguay went their own ways despite hopes of reunion. In Argentina, a struggle ensued between those who wanted to unify the country and those who did not want to be dominated by Buenos Aires. Independence was followed by virtually permanent civil war, with many coups by regional, social, or political factions. Rule by the strong man, the caudillo, alternated with periods of democratic rule, too often beset by disorder.

Anarchy was not ended by the election of Bernardino Rivadavia in 1826. The unitarians, who favored a centralized government dominated by Buenos Aires, were opposed to the federalists, who resented the oligarchy of Buenos Aires and were backed by autocratic caudillos with gaucho troops. The unitarians triumphed temporarily when Argentines combined to help the Uruguayans repel Brazilian conquerors in the battle of Ituzaingó (1827), which led to the independence of Uruguay. The internal conflict was, however, soon resumed and was not even quelled when Gen. Juan Manuel de Rosas, the most notorious caudillo, established a dictatorship that lasted from 1835 to 1852. Ironically, this federalist leader, who was nominally only the governor of Buenos Aires, did more than the unitarians to unify the country. Ironically, too, this enemy of intellectuals stimulated his political opponents to write in exile some of the finest works of the Spanish-American romantic period among the writers were Domingo F. Sarmiento, Bartolomé Mitre, José Mármol, and Esteban Echeverría.

Rosas was overthrown (1852) by Gen. Justo José de Urquiza, who called a constituent assembly at Santa Fe. A constitution was adopted (1853) based on the principles enunciated by Juan Bautista Alberdi. Mitre, denouncing Urquiza as a caudillo, brought about the temporary secession of Buenos Aires prov. (1861) and the downfall of the Urquiza plans. Under the administrations of Mitre (1862–68), Sarmiento (1868–74), and Nicolás Avellaneda (1874–80), schools were built, public works started, and liberal reforms instituted. The War of the Triple Alliance (see Triple Alliance, War of the), 1865–70, brought little advantage to Argentina.

In 1880 federalism triumphed, and Gen. Julio A. Roca became president (1880–1886) Buenos Aires remained the capital, but the federal district was set up, and Buenos Aires prov. was given La Plata as its capital. Argentina flourished during Roca's administration. The conquest of the indigenous peoples by General Roca (1878–79) had made colonization of the region in the south and the southwest possible. Already the Pampa had begun to undergo its agricultural transformation. The immigration of Europeans helped to fill the land and to make Argentina one of the world's granaries.

Establishment of refrigerating plants for meat made expansion of commerce possible. The British not only became the prime consumers of Argentine products but also invested substantially in the construction of factories, public utilities, and railroads (which were nationalized in 1948). Efforts to end the power of the great landowners, however, were not genuinely successful, and the military tradition continued to play a part in politics, the army frequently combining with the conservatives and later with the growing ranks of labor to alter the government by coup.

The second administration of Roca (1898–1904) was marked by recovery from the crises of the intervening years a serious boundary dispute with Chile was settled (1902), and perpetual peace between the two nations was symbolized in the Christ of the Andes. Even before World War I, in which Argentina maintained neutrality, the wealthy nation had begun to act as an advocate for the rights and interests of Latin America as a whole, notably through Carlos Calvo, Luis M. Drago, and later Carlos Saavedra Lamas.

Internal problems, however, remained vexing. Electoral reforms introduced by Roque Sáenz Peña (1910–14) led to the victory of the Radical party under Hipólito Irigoyen (1916–22). He introduced social legislation, but when, after the presidency of Marcelo T. de Alvear, Irigoyen returned to power in 1928, his policies aroused much dissatisfaction even in his own party. In 1930 he was ousted by Gen. José F. Uriburu, and the conservative oligarchy—now with Fascist leanings—was again in power.

The administration (1932–38) of Agustín P. Justo was opposed by revolutionary movements, and a coalition of liberals and conservatives won an election victory. Radical leader Roberto M. Ortiz became president (1938), but serious illness caused him to resign (1942), and the conservative Ramón S. Castillo succeeded him. In 1943, Castillo was overthrown by a military coup. After two provisional presidents a palace revolt in 1944 brought to power a group of army colonels, chief among them Juan Perón. After four years of pro-Axis neutrality, Argentina belatedly (Mar., 1945) entered World War II on the side of the Allies and became a member of the United Nations. A return to liberal government momentarily seemed probable, but Perón was overwhelmingly victorious in the election of Feb., 1946.

Perón, an admirer of Mussolini, established a type of popular dictatorship new to Latin America, based initially on support from the army, reactionaries, nationalists, and some clerical groups. His regime was marked by curtailment of freedom of speech, confiscation of liberal newspapers such as La Prensa, imprisonment of political opponents, and transition to a one-party state. His second wife, the popular Eva Duarte de Perón, helped him gain the support of the trade unions, thereafter the main foundation of Perón's political power. In 1949 the constitution of 1853 was replaced by one that permitted Perón to succeed himself as president the Peronista political party was established the same year.

To cure Argentina's serious economic ills, Perón inaugurated a program of industrial development—which advanced rapidly in the 1940s and early 50s, although hampered by the lack of power resources and machine tools—supplemented by social welfare programs. Perón also placed the sale and export of wheat and beef under government control, thus undermining the political and economic power of the rural oligarchs. In the early 1950s, with recurring economic problems and with the death (1952) of his wife, Perón's popular support began to diminish. Agricultural production, long the chief source of revenue, dropped sharply and the economy faltered. The Roman Catholic church, alienated by the reversal of close church-state relations, excommunicated Perón and, finally, the armed forces became disillusioned with him. In 1955, Perón was ousted by a military coup, and the interim military government of Gen. Pedro Aramburu attempted to rid the country of Justicialismo (Peronism). Perón fled to Paraguay and in 1960 went into exile in Spain.

In 1957, Argentina reverted to the constitution of 1853 as modified up to 1898. In 1958, Dr. Arturo Frondizi was elected president. Faced with the economic and fiscal crisis inherited from Perón, Frondizi, with U.S. advice and the promise of financial aid, initiated a program of austerity to stabilize the economy and check inflation. Leftists, as well as Peronistas, who still commanded strong popular support, criticized the plan because the burden lay most heavily on the working and lower middle classes.

Frondizi later fell into disfavor with the military because of his leniency toward the regime of Fidel Castro in Cuba and toward Peronistas at home, who, in the congressional elections of 1962, scored a resounding victory. Frondizi was arrested and José María Guido assumed the presidency, but the military was in control. The Peronista and Communist parties were banned before presidential elections were held in 1963. Following the election of the moderate liberal Dr. Arturo Illia, many political prisoners were released and relative political stability returned. The new president was faced, however, with serious economic depression and with the difficult problem of reintegrating the Peronist forces into Argentine political life.

In 1964 an attempt by Perón to return from Spain and lead his followers was thwarted when he was turned back at Rio de Janeiro by Brazilian authorities. The Peronists, however, remained the strongest political force in the country unwilling to tolerate another resurgence of Peronism, a junta of military leaders, supported by business interests, seized power (1966) and placed Gen. Juan Carlos Onganía, a long-time right-wing opponent of Illía, in the presidency. Under Onganía, the new government dissolved the legislature, banned all political parties, and exercised unofficial press censorship Onganía also placed the national universities under government control.

Widespread opposition to the rigid rule of the Onganía regime grew, and the military deposed him (1970), naming Gen. Roberto M. Levingston president. Economic problems and increased terrorist activities caused Gen. Alejandro Lanusse, the leader of the coup against Onganía, to dismiss (1971) Levingston and initiate an active program for economic growth, distribution of wealth, and political stability. His direct negotiations with Juan Perón and his call for national elections and a civilian government led to the return of Perón to Argentina in 1972.

After failing to achieve unity among the various Peronist groups, Perón declined the nomination from his supporters to run for president in the Mar., 1973, elections, which were won by Dr. Hector Cámpora, the Peronist candidate, who subsequently resigned from office to make way for Perón's return. When new elections were held in Sept., 1973, Perón was elected president and his third wife, Isabel Martínez Perón, vice president. Perón died in July, 1974, and was succeeded by his widow. Her government faced economic troubles, labor unrest, political violence, and deep divisions within the Peronista party.

In 1976, Isabel Perón was deposed by a military junta under the leadership of Jorge Rafael Videla, who served as president until 1981. The government suspended political and trade union activity, dissolved the congress, made alterations to the constitution, and removed most government officals. During the military rule thousands of citizens suspected of undermining the government disappeared in what became known as the dirty war. In 1981 Argentina petitioned the United Nations for possession of the Falkland Islands (Islas Malvinas), which had been occupied and claimed by the British since 1832. Tensions escalated until, on Apr. 2, 1982, Argentina, now under the rule of Lt.-Gen. Leopoldo Galtieri, invaded and occupied the islands. British forces responded quickly, forcing a surrender by Argentine forces within 6 weeks. The Argentine defeat led to Galtieri's resignation and subsequently to the end of military rule. Retired Gen. Reynaldo Bignone succeeded Galtieri as president and oversaw the return to democracy.

In 1983, Raúl Alfonsín won the presidency, but persistent economic problems plagued his tenure in office. Carlos Saúl Menem was elected president in 1988, bringing the Peronist Justicialist party back into power. A reform-minded leader, he stimulated economic growth and subdued hyperinflation in the early 1990s by instituting a major program of privatization, encouraging foreign investment, and tying the Argentine peso to the U.S. dollar. Constitutional amendments approved in 1994 placed curbs on presidential power and increased opposition power in the senate, while clearing the way for Menem to seek a second successive term as president. He was reelected in 1995. The Justicialists lost legislative elections to the opposition Alianza coalition in 1997, as the country struggled with recession and continuing high unemployment. Argentina's relations with Paraguay soured in 1999 when Menem's government sheltered Paraguayan Gen. Lino Oviedo for eight months Oviedo was wanted for the murder of Paraguay's vice president.

In Oct., 1999, Fernando de la Rúa of Alianza was elected president, soundly defeating the Peronist candidate. De la Rúa's victory was in part a rejection of Menem's perceived flamboyance and tolerance of corruption during his last term. The new president moved quickly to institute austerity measures and reforms to improve the economy taxes were increased to reduce the deficit, the government bureaucracy was trimmed, and legal restrictions on union negotiations were eased. De la Rúa also purged (2000) the army and state intelligence agency of the last suspected participants in the dirty war of the 1970s and 80s.

By late 2000, however, de la Rúa's presidency was under siege on two fronts. Several senators, mainly from the Justicialist party, were accused of taking bribes to vote for the government's labor-code revisions, and two cabinet members were also implicated. When the cabinet members were retained after a reorganization, Vice President Carlos Álvarez resigned in protest. The Argentine economy had slipped into recession in late 1999, and Argentina was forced in to seek help from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and private banks to reduce its debt. In Dec., 2000, an aid package of nearly $40 billion was arranged, and the government announced a $20 billion public works program that was designed to help revive the economy.

Further economic measures designed to revived the ailing economy were adopted in 2001, including the pegging of the peso for imports and exports to the average value of the dollar and the euro combined, additional government austerity measures, and additional billions in IMF aid. The economy remained in recession, however, aggravating the problems posed by the debt and by the restrictions that the IMF imposed in return for aid, and unemployment rose to around 20% at the end of 2001. In legislative elections in Oct., 2001, the opposition Justicialist party became the largest party in both houses of the national congress. In November the government began restructuring the debt, putting it essentially in default. Ongoing economic problems led to a crisis of confidence as depositors began a run on the banks, resulting in limits on withdrawals (largely lifted a year later), and the IMF took a hard line, insisting on a 10% cut in the budget before making further payments.

Nationwide food riots and demonstrations erupted in late December, leading the president to resign. A series of interim presidents and renewed demonstrations ended with the appointment of Justicialist senator Eduardo Alberto Duhalde as president in Jan., 2002. Duhalde, who had been a free-spending provincial governor and the Peronists' 1999 presidential candidate, devalued the peso, which lost more than two thirds of its value. The depressed economy, meanwhile, remained in disarray until early 2003, when it showed some signs of slow improvement.

Néstor Carlos Kirchner, the governor of Santa Cruz prov. in Patagonia, won the spring 2003 presidential race when former president Menem withdrew from the runoff election polls indicated that Kirchner would win by a landslide. Congress subsequently repealed two amnesty laws, passed in the 1980s, that had protected military officers accused of human rights offenses, and in 2005 the supreme court upheld the move, overturning the amnesty laws as unconstitutional. Pardons given to several military government leaders were subsequently also overturned by the court, and arrest warrants were issued for Isabel Perón, who was in exile in Spain, and others. A number of former military officers and others were later convicted of human-rights crimes, including former Presidents Bignone and Videla.

Kirchner won favorable terms from from the IMF in Sept., 2003, refusing to make concessions in exchange for refinancing Argentina's debt. Kirchner's government continued into 2004 its policy of aggressively seeking more favorable terms, but was not successful in negotiating new terms for repaying private creditors until 2005, when some three quarters of its bondholders agreed to accept partial repayment. The economy grew strongly in 2003–5, reducing the unemployment rate, but the effects of the 2001–2 economic collapse continued to hurt many Argentines.

In Oct., 2005, the popular Kirchner benefited from the improved economy when his Peronists won control of the senate and a plurality in the lower house. With a strengthened political hand, Kirchner replaced his respected but more conservative economy minister with an ally. Argentina paid off its IMF debt in Jan., 2006, in an effort to regain greater flexibility in its economic policy. Kirchner also used the influence of his office to fight inflation by pressuring Argentinian companies into holding down price increases. His presidency also saw a trend toward renationalization of certain Argentinian businesses, including railroads and telecommunications companies.

In 2006 there were tensions with Uruguay over plans there to build pulp mills along the Argentina border on the Uruguay River. Argentinians fearing possible pollution from the mills blockaded several bridges into Uruguay, and Argentina accused Uruguay of contravening the treaty on joint use of the river. Argentina took the issue to the International Court of Justice, which accepted it but allowed construction of the one mill that Uruguay ended up building to proceed while the court decided the case. The court also refused to order Argentina to halt the protests, which continued until June, 2010. In 2010 the court largely ruled in favor of Uruguay, determining that it had met its environmental obligations under the treat, and it refused to order the mill to close.

Kirchner chose not to run in 2007 for a second term, but his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, who had served as a provincial and national deputy and national senator, mounted her own candidacy. Running strongly and promising to continue her husband's policies, she was elected in Oct., 2007, becoming the first woman to be elected president. In a court case in Florida, U.S. prosecutors later (Dec., 2007) alleged that $800,000 found (Aug., 2007) by Argentinian customs officers on a private flight from Venezuela was intended to be a secret Venezuelan government contribution to Fernández de Kirchner's campaign. The Argentinian government denounced the allegation, but two Venezuelans and a Uruguayan arrested in the United States in connection with the money pleaded guilty to acting as unregistered foreign government agents and revealed details of the payment and its coverup and a third Venezuelan was convicted on similar charges in Nov., 2008.

Beginning in Mar., 2008, farmers protested increased export taxes on farm products by striking and blockading roads, leading to some food shortages in major cities at times. The government abandoned the tax increases in July after the Senate narrowly failed to approve them. Tensions between the government and farmers continued, however, into 2009, aggravated by drought and falling demand. In Mar., 2009, both sides reached accords on compensation for several clases of farm products.

In Oct, 2008, the government moved to nationalize 10 private pension plans. The government asserted it was acting to protect them from the global financial crisis, but many viewed it as a repudiation of the privatizations of the 1990s and also possibly as an attempt to secure funds in the face of a looming budget shortfall. The move caused stocks and the Argentinian peso to fall sharply the national airline was also nationalized. The government subsequently used some of the pension assets as part of an economic stimulus package. Congressional elections in June, 2009, resulted in losses for the governing party, which failed to secure majorities in both houses.

In Jan., 2010, a move by the government to use foreign currency reserves to repay some of Argentina's international debt sparked a conflict between the president and the head of the central bank, Martín Redrado, who refused to transfer the reserves. The president sought to remove Redrado by emergency decree, but a court ruled that she could neither remove him nor use the reserves. Redrado, however, subsequently resigned. In Mar., 2010, the president issued new decrees transferring $6.6. billion of the reserves, and an appeals court upheld the decrees when the opposition challenged them. Debt swaps agreed to by June by most of the holders of the remaining bonds that Argentina had defaulted on in 2001 left about 8% of the original bonds outstanding.

The start of oil exploration in the waters surrounding the Falkland Islands in Feb., 2010, led the Argentinian government to impose restrictions on vessels traveling through its waters to the islands. The islands' status became an increasingly contentious issue in Argentina's international relations in subsequent months, leading to strained relations with Great Britain by the time of the 30th anniversary of the Falklands War in Apr., 2012. In Oct., 2011, President Fernández de Kirchner, bouyed by significant economic growth, easily won reelection and her Front for Victory won control of Congress, but high inflation associated with the growth was an increasing concern and led to government regulations designed to control capital flight. Discontent over the economy and other issues led to demonstrations and strikes beginning in 2012. In May, 2012, the Congress approved the nationalization of the former national oil company, which had been privatized in 1999. The Front for Victory retained control of Congress after the Oct., 2013, elections. In December, police strikes over pay in many of the country's provinces led to outbreaks of looting across Argentina.

In Jan., 2014, after the government's long-standing efforts to support the peso had depleted its currency reserves, it abandoned those efforts, which led to a drop in the peso's value, and then relaxed foreign exchange controls. In June, 2014, Argentina lost its appeal against a U.S. court decision that required it to pay the owners of the outstanding bonds that it defaulted on in 2001 if the country paid bond owners who had exchanged their defaulted bonds in the debt swaps of 2005 and 2010. Argentina subsequently refused, and in September the country was declared in contempt of court the case restricted Argentina's access to international credit markets. Also that month, Vice President Amado Boudou was charged with corruption in connection with government aid received by a printing company he was accused of secretly owning he was convicted in 2018.

In early 2015 the president was accused by a prosecutor of shielding Iranians involved in a 1994 terrorist bombing of a Jewish community center in Buenos Aires in order to secure a trade deal. The prosecutor's death by a gunshot wound sparked a public crisis. A second prosecutor sought to pursue the charges, but they were dismissed. The president denounced the affair as a plot by Intelligence Secretariat agents to undermine her government, and had the congress vote to reorganize the agency.

Fernández de Kirchner was barred from running in the 2015 presidential election. Although the first round in October was won by the Front for Victory candidate, Daniel Scioli, he did not win by a large enough margin to avoid a runoff. In the November runoff, the candidate of the Let's Change coalition, Mauricio Macri, the center-right mayor of Buenos Aires, won 51% of the vote. In office Macri ended most currency controls and devalued the peso, resolved (2016) the outstanding bond claims that remained from the 2001 default, and moved to reduce government spending that subsidized the price of utilities and other items. In the Oct., 2017, legislative elections Macri's coalition won a plurality of the seats.

The withdrawal of international investments in the first half of 2018, due to changing international conditions and concerns about the Argentinian economy, created a liquidity crisis and led Macri to seek IMF aid, and the IMF approved a $50 billion credit line (later increased to more than $57 billion). Argentina's economy, however continued to be plagued by inflation (which approached 50% in 2018), devaluation, and a contracting economy. Late in 2018 the government adopted an austerity budget.

In Aug., 2019, President Macri placed a distant second in the country's open presidential primary to Alberto Fernández, the candidate of the main opposition coalition, the Peronist Frente do Todos Fernández's running mate was former president Fernández de Kirchner. Macri subsequently announced a number of economic relief measures. In October, Fernández won the presidential election in the first round. In December, the new government's economic emergency package, including tax and spending increases and emergency government powers, was enacted. The subsequent COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 worsened the economic crisis, and the government sought to restructure its foreign debt.

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See more Encyclopedia articles on: South American Political Geography


Buenos Aires History Facts and Timeline

Around a third of Argentina's population lives in the 'greater' area of this South American nation's capital and most populated city, Buenos Aires. In fact, only Sao Paulo in Brazil boasts a bigger metropolitan population among Latin American cities than Buenos Aires.

The city from where the Tango dance originated has overcome a tumultuous past history filled with wars, coups d'état and dramatically fluctuating economies, to become one of Latin America's most peaceful, prosperous and exciting cities.

Pre-European Peoples

Prior to European arrival, the Guarani and the Diaguita were the area's most prominent inhabitants. Both tribes helped develop maize cultivation, while the Diaguita stopped the Inca from conquering Argentina long before Europeans first set foot on its soil in the early 16th century.

History of European Settlement

In 1516, indigenous tribes killed Spanish explorer Juan Diaz de Solis, the first European to sail into present-day Argentina. The same tribes forced the Europeans to flee their first attempt at a permanent colony and head for Asunción, Paraguay in 1539. The Europeans did not succeed in establishing a permanent settlement in Buenos Aires until 1580, after many indigenous tribes perished from European diseases.

Spanish Colony

By the early 17th century, pirates replaced indigenous tribes as the biggest threats to Buenos Aires. However, smuggling and illicit trade also formed a large part of the overall economy, as the city was prohibited from foreign trade. At this time, Spain paid far more attention to Peru than Argentina, since it was rich in gold and silver.

Buenos Aires finally found a prosperous and legal industry in its surrounding grasslands, where cattle provided beef and treated leather hides, which Europeans used to make clothes, shoes and accessories. Of note, in 1776, Buenos Aires became the base of the new Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata.

British Invasions

When Spain came under Napoleonic French control, the British staged two Buenos Aires invasions, in 1806 and again in the following year. After the city successfully fended off the British without Spanish assistance, it gained in confidence and pride. Shortly after Napoleon Bonaparte's French troops invaded Spain, Argentina declared its independence in 1816.

Independence History

Bloody conflicts between Unitarians wanting a strong national government, and Federalists who desired more provincial power, broke out in Buenos Aires. The much-hated Mazorca secret police persecuted the Unitarians, who formed the majority of the city's population, during the rule of Federalist Juan Manuel de Rosas. The year of 1852 saw Rosas ousted, while Argentina ratified its first constitution just a year later.

Immigration and Prosperity

Following two failed mid-1800s British and French invasions, Buenos Aires entered the most prosperous period in its history, especially after the railroad connected its port with its surrounding cattle ranches.

European immigrants flocked to Buenos Aires during the early 20th century. Although most of these immigrants came from Italy and Spain, Buenos Aires also welcomed many Germans, British, and in more recent years, Asians. Infamy was heaped on the country, however, during and after WWII, when many high-ranking Nazi officers escaped Europe and managed to set up new lives in Argentina.

Perón and Plaza de Mayo Bombing

Argentina's most famous leader, Juan Domingo Perón, first came to power as the Argentinian president in 1946. He was especially popular among the working class, due to his education reforms and pro-union stance.

In June of 1955, Argentina's navy bombed the Plaza de Mayo in a failed coup d'état, but Peron was eventually deposed during another military revolt just three months later. Perón died a year after his 1973 re-election and his wife, Maria Eva Duarte de Perón (often known as simply 'Evita'), succeeded him until another military coup overthrew her in 1976.

The Dirty War

When the military governed Argentina between 1976 and 1983, they cracked down hard on suspected dissidents, many of whom mysteriously disappeared altogether and remain missing to this day. About 30,000 people were believed to have been executed during this 'Dirty War,' which served as part of a larger alliance between South American right wing governments. After the 1983 end of the military dictatorship, many of its leaders received lifetime prison sentences. This was a dark period in Buenos Aires history, as was the bombing of the Israeli Embassy the following decade.

Recession and Recovery

Argentina's economy completely collapsed in 2001, after two years of recession, preceded by many more years of inflation. Numerous businesses went bankrupt and up-to a quarter of Argentina's total population became unemployed before the economy finally stabilised. Buenos Aires, and the rest of Argentina, has once again become a calm and prosperous city.


Peron coming into power in Argentina

It seems to me that Peron came to power as a result of the mixture of the Latin American political/economic culture in existence in Argentina with the European immigrants (particularly Italian) coming to the country and the Great Depression with all its effects. In other words, when the Italian (and other) immigrants came to Argentina, they tended to be anarchist or syndicalist or what have you, and wanted to integrate themselves there and get full rights, etc. They were put down for a long time by the old conservative elites (representative of at least part of Latin American political culture) that engineered the coup of 1930 in the midst of the Depression, and that paved the way for Peron's popularity among the descendants of European immigrants. Is that a fair way of portraying the lead-on to Peronism, and why Argentina's political development was different than with many other Latin American countries (given that not nearly as many immigrants - particularly Italian - proportionally came to those other countries)?

If that's so, then even a scenario where Yrigoyen is dead sooner or where Ortiz is president for longer may merely buy some time in terms of avoiding a coup or what not - by a few to several years. Then, Argentina would have perhaps developed much like in real life anyway - who knows?


History of Argentina - Revolution of '43 (1943-1946)

The civilian government appeared to be close to joining the allies, but many officers of the Argentine armed forces (and ordinary Argentine citizens) objected due to fear of the spread of communism. There was a wide support to stay neutral in the conflict, as during WWI. The government was also questioned by domestic policy reasons, namely, the electoral fraud, the poor labour rights and the selection of Patrón Costas to run for the presidency.

On June 4, 1943, the G.O.U. (Grupo de Oficiales Unidos), which was a secret alliance between military leaders led by Pedro Pablo Ramírez, Arturo Rawson, Edelmiro Farrell and Farrell's protégé Juan Domingo Perón marched to the Casa Rosada and demanded the resignation of president Castillo. After hours of threats their goal was achieved and the president resigned. This event is considered by historians as the official end of the Infamous Decade.

After the coup, Ramírez took power. Although he did not declare war, he broke relations with the Axis powers. Argentina's largest neighbor, Brazil, had already entered the war on the allied side in 1942.

In 1944 Ramirez was replaced by Farrell, an army officer of Irish-Argentine origin who had spent two years attached to Mussolini's army in the twenties. Initially his government continued to maintain a neutral policy. Towards the end of the war, Farrell decided it was in the interests of Argentina to be attached to the winning side. Like several Latin American states, Argentina made a late declaration of war against Germany with no intention of providing any military forces.

Juan Domingo Perón managed the relations with labourers and unions, and become highly popular. He was deposed and detained at the Martín García island, but a massive demonstration on October 17, 1945, forced the government to free Perón and restore him to office. Perón would win the elections shortly afterwards by a landslide. The US ambassador, Spruille Braden, took direct action in Argentine politics supporting the antiperonist parties.


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